Photo Essay by Orin Langelle
Selva Lacandona (Lacandon jungle/rainforest)
At the Cancún, Mexico United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) last year, journalist Jeff Conant and I learned that California’s then-Governor Arnold Swarzenegger had penned an agreement with Chiapas, Mexico’s Governor Juan Sabines as well as the head of the province of Acre, Brazil. This deal would provide carbon offsets from Mexico and Brazil to power polluting industries in California—industries that wanted to comply with the new California climate law (AB32) while continuing business as usual.
The plan was to use forests in the two Latin American countries to supposedly offset the emissions of the California polluters.
Conant and I took an investigative trip to Chiapas in March. When we arrived, we were invited by the people of Amador Hernandez–an indigenous village based in the Lacandon jungle (Selva Lacandona)–to visit, document and learn of the plans of the government to possibly relocate them from their homes. What we uncovered was another battle in the ongoing war between a simpler or good way of life (buen vivir) vs. the neoliberal development model.
The following photographs were taken in or near the community of Amador Hernandez; during an over flight of the Selva Lacandona and surrounding African palm plantations; and in the “Sustainable Rural City” Santiago el Pinar.
Mist rises near the community of Amador Hernandez in the Lacandon jungle and the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve
Elders of the community
Young girls in the morning
Men on horseback were a common sight in Amador Hernandez. On horseback was one of the few ways to get out of the community by way of a twelve kilometer trek to the nearest village.
Another way out of Amador Hernandez was to walk the twelve kilometers
There are no roads to or from the village
Razor wire embedded in a tree from when the Mexican army had an encampment next to Amador Hernandez in 1999
When the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect on 1 January 1994, the Indigenous Peoples of Chiapas staged an uprising. The EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) denounced NAFTA as a “death sentence” for the Indigenous Peoples of Mexico.
Amador Hernandez, deep in rebel territory, was a hotbed of resistance to the Mexican military’s attempt to crush the Zapatistas.
In the Mexican daily, La Jornada, journalist Hermann Bellinghausen wrote in 1999, “A detachment of 500 Mexican Army troops, made up of elite troops and Military Police, are keeping the access blocked leading to the road that joins Amador Hernandez with San Quintin, where the chiapaneco government and the soldiers are trying – at all costs – to build a highway.
“Hundreds of tzeltal indigenous from the region have been holding… a protest sit-in at the entrance to the community, which is also the entrance to the vast and splendid Amador Valley, at the foot of the San Felipe Sierra, in the Montes Azules.”
The people of Amador Hernandez did not let the army go through with their road plan and the army broke its encampment.
Building with Zapatista murals in Amador Hernandez
The uprising continues today and has been an inspiration to millions of people throughout the world.
Life goes on in Amador Hernandez
Men relax after a day’s work
Another view of the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve from Amador Hernandez
The struggle continues. Concerned father holding his son in Amador Hernandez, Chiapas, Mexico. Earlier that day (24 March 2011) the boy had had convulsions; by the next day, several others from the community had experienced the same thing. Drinking water from the community supply was suspected. Since last year, Amador Hernandez has been denied medical supplies, and the Mexican government has suspended emergency transport of the gravely ill.
Communiqué from Amador Hernandez, Chiapas:
“We, the residents of the Amador Hernandez region in Chiapas, which forms the core of the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve, well known for its extraordinary biological richness, and the site of historic resistance by indigenous peoples, denounce that the illegal threats by the bad government to expel us, culturally and physically, from our territories, have moved from words to deeds.
Our opposition to the theft of our territory, as decreed in May 2007; our rejection of the unilateral delimiting of the agrarian border of the Lacandona Community demanded by investors in projects associated with the REDD+ [Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation] Project; our refusal to accept the conservationist programs of “payment for environmental services” and “productive land reconversion,” and our decision to reinitiate a process of self-determined community health based in our traditional medicine, together have aroused the arrogance of the bad government, motivating them to advance a “new” counterinsurgency strategy to undermine our resistance.
It is a strategy that doles out sickness and death, dose by dose.”
Amador Hernandez is a barrier to the Chiapas-California deal. People ‘are in the way’ and it appears for the deal to go through, they need to be relocated. The community of Amador Hernandez is refusing.
If people leave Amador Hernandez they say their way of life will be gone forever
They say their traditional way of life will be over
They will not be able to prepare their traditional medicines, which they harvest from the jungle
The government refuses to provide health care, but traditional medicines are still prepared
Woman bringing the prepared traditional medicines to the small clinic of Amador Hernandez
The Lacandon jungle from the air
Many residents of Amador Hernandez feel that in addition to REDD, another reason for potentially relocating them from their village is because the Lacandon jungle is rich in biodiversity which the transnational pharmaceutical companies want to exploit.
The Mayan ruin of Bonampak
African 0il palm plantations
After leaving Amador Hernandez, we flew over the Lacandon jungle and see the dense forest and some Mayan ruins, but when we left the jungle, we were confronted by many African oil palm plantations that the government says are going to be used for agrofuels (biofuels).
The "Sustainable Rural City" Project of Santiago el Pinar
The following week, Jeff Conant and I visited of Santiago el Pinar. The government of Chiapas has begun developing “Sustainable Rural Cities” like Santiago el Pinar– as places where scattered rural populations can be relocated. The government claims this enables these populations to have services such as electricity and roads, that they could not have in the rural areas. We were told by activists, however, that these “Sustainable Rural Cities” are designed to enable the relocation of communities that are based where development projects–such as large-scale hydroelectric dams, agrofuel plantations, mines, etc–are planned.
On every house or structure in Sanitago el Pinar, “Son Hechos – No Palabras” is emblazoned. Roughly meaning that the government is taking action not just talking about it.
The new towns consist of flimsy, rapidly built pre-fabricated structures, about which we heard many complaints
In the hothouse growing roses, the sign reads "food security"
We were told the hothouses were built with food security in mind, but instead we found roses being grown.
Santiago el Pinar comes with a playground enclosed in barbed wire and chain link fences
Young child outside of her pre-fabricated house
The government overseer of Santiago el Pinar
The Government overseer of Santiago el Pinar told us that the day before we arrived, Chiapas Governor Sabines had been there for the official dedication. He informed Sabines that a few days earlier his children has been playing inside his pre-fabricated home and they fell through the floor.
The real Mexico