Category Archives: Cochabamba

World Peoples’ Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth

Quinoa: To Buy or Not to Buy…Is this the right question?

By Tanya Kerssen, Food First Research Coordinator and leader of upcoming delegation Bolivia: Llamas, Quinoa, and Andean Food Sovereingty

BOL-quinoa-e1342206575917-225x300We’ve been hearing a lot about quinoa lately.[i] While US consumers prize it as a delicious ‘super-food,’ there is growing anxiety about the impact of the quinoa boom in the Andes, and particularly Bolivia, the world’s top producing country. The media has focused primarily on the fact that global demand is driving up the price of quinoa, placing it beyond the reach of poor Bolivians—even of quinoa farmers themselves—leaving them to consume nutritionally vacuous, but cheap, refined wheat products such as bread and pasta. By this logic, some suggest, northern consumers should boycott the ‘golden grain’ to depress its price and make it accessible once again.

Others point out that the impoverished farmers of Bolivia’s highlands are at long last getting a fair price for their crop—one of the few crops adapted to their arid, high altitude environment. In this view, global markets are finally “working” for peasants, and a consumer boycott would only hurt the hemisphere’s poorest farmers.

In short, the debate has largely been reduced to the invisible hand of the marketplace, in which the only options for shaping our global food system are driven by (affluent) consumers either buying more or buying less. It’s the same logic that makes us feel like we’ve done our civic duty by buying a pound of fair trade coffee. This isn’t to dismiss the many benefits of fair trade or other forms of ethical consumption, but the so-called quinoa quandary demonstrates the limits of consumption-driven politics. Because whichever way you press the lever (buy more/buy less) there are bound to be negative consequences, particularly for poor farmers in the Global South. To address the problem we have to analyze the system itself, and the very structures that constrain consumer and producer choices.

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Struggle for land and water in the Andes

By Bill Weinberg.  Source: WW4 Report

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March 22, 2012 World Water Day march at the Conga site. Photo: Bill Weinberg

In what has become an emblematic struggle against government plans to open peasant lands to mineral interests throughout the sierras of Peru, local campesinos continue to hold strikes and protests in the northern region of Cajamarca—in defiance of a state of emergency and a heavy presence of army and National Police troops.

The months-long campaign to halt the mega-scale Conga gold mine high in Cajamarca’s alpine zone—which Colorado-based Newmont Mining hopes to develop with Peruvian partners and investment from the World Bank—cost five lives last July 3 and 4, when government troops opened fire on protesters in the rural towns of Celendín and Bambamarca. The youngest of the fallen was only 17 years old.

At issue are four highland lakes that would be destroyed at the site where Newmont hopes to develop the giant pit mine. The company proposed to replace the lakes with new artificial reservoirs, and says this will not affect the underlying watersheds. But in an aridifying region, the local campesinos pledged they would not allow the lakes to be destroyed. When President Ollanta Humala was on the campaign trail last year, he promised to put an end to the project; upon taking office in July 2011, he promptly reversed his position and started backing it.
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Bolivia: Indigenous demand autonomy from state

By Bill Weinberg, February 7, 2013.  Source: WW4 Report

374332_gdBolivia’s Aymara indigenous alliance CONAMAQ issued an open letter Jan. 27 to President Evo Morales, the official rights watchdog Defensoría del Pueblo, and the independent Permanent Human Rights Association of Bolivia (APDHB),  charging that the ruling Movement to Socialism-Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (MAS-IPSP) is seeking to divide their organization. The statement warned of the possibility for violence at CONAMAQ’s upcoming Mara Tantachawi, or annual gathering. “The MAS-IPSP government of Evo Morales…in the different suyus [regions] is organizing and mobilizing groups of confrontation led by ex-authorities suspended by CONAMAQ…to sabotage [hacer fracasar] this event and take over by force the CONAMAQ council for political ends,” the statement reads.

In the end, parallel CONAMAQ gatherings were held Jan. 29—one led by the organization’s council in Sucre and one by a MAS-aligned breakaway faction in La Paz. Both claimed to be the organization’s legitimate Seventh Mara Tantachawi. (Bolpress, Jan. 29 FM BoliviaEl Diario, Cochabamba, Jan. 27 Jan. 27)
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Evo Morales will mark the solstice by sailing across Lake Titicaca in one of the largest reed ships built in modern times

By Sara Shahriari in Suriqui, Thursday 20 December 2012 Source: guardian.co.uk

The looming end of the Mayan long-count calendar has prompted fervid doomsday predictions on the internet, mass arrests in China, and a small tourism boom in southern Mexico. But whereas some believe Friday’s solstice will mark a fiery endpoint to the world as we know it, Bolivia’s president, Evo Morales, says the date is the beginning of a new era of peace and love.

Morales will mark the day by boarding one of the largest reed ships built in modern times and join thousands of people for celebrations on the Island of the Sun on Lake Titicaca.

“According to the Mayan calendar, the 21 of December is the end of the non-time and the beginning of time,” he told the UN in September. “It is the end of hatred and the beginning of love, the end of lies and beginning of truth.”

The Bolivian government has hailed the solstice as the start of an age in which community and collectivity will prevail over capitalism and individuality. Those themes have long been present in Morales’s discourse, especially in the idea of vivir bien, or living well. He has stressed the importance of a harmonious balance between human life and the planet, though some people question its application in Bolivia, where the economy depends heavily on mining, oil and gas industries.

Morales has attempted to shake off European cultural denomination, creating a vice ministry of decolonisation and celebrating Native American beliefs and customs.

The 15-metre totora reed boat is a replica of those that plied Titicaca’s waters for thousands of years. The Thunupa is the creation of Demetrio Limachi, 67, a renowned Aymara boat builder who worked with the Norwegian adventurer Thor Heyerdahl.

Titicaca is the largest lake in South America and situated more than 12,000ft above sea level. All along the shoreline the flexible, sweet-smelling totora reeds ripple in the wind, sheltering water birds, serving as food for livestock, and providing raw material for boats. Limachi learned to dry the reed and bind it into cylinders as a child, creating the tiny craft that local people used for fishing and transport before the rise of more durable wooden or fibreglass boats. But when the Limachi family crossed paths with Heyerdahl, they became wrapped up in international adventures of epic proportions.

Heyerdahl, who had already sailed a balsa wood raft from Peru to Polynesia and attempted to cross the Atlantic Ocean in a papyrus boat, was fascinated by early sea travel. That’s how a young Limachi found himself travelling to Morocco to spend three months building the Ra II, which set out in 1970 and successfully travelled from Morocco to Barbados, more than 3,700 miles (6,000km) away. The Aymara boat builders were at first shocked by the size of the boat Heyerdahl wanted them to construct, because until their boats had been just three to four metres long. But effort showed they could build bigger, and the Thunupa, now ready to sail across Lake Titicaca, is the child of those experiments.

“As our parents taught us – that’s how I am teaching our children,” Limachi said. It’s a skill his son Porfirio has taken to heart. “Building this boat united the community,” said Porfirio, as he watched young men on the island of Suriqui bind the reeds of the Thunupa tight with yellow cords under a bright blue sky. “It’s preserving the values and the knowledge of the Aymara of Lake Titicaca.”

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Bolivia: UN Convention on Biodiversity has lost its track

Note: Global Justice Ecology Project has watched the steady takeover of the UNCBD by business interests, which dominate its outcomes.  Now with the Green Economy, the CBD is busily creating schemes to advance the commodification of all life to allow business as usual to continue as long as possible.  The Convention on Biological Diversity has become the Convention on Buying Diversity…

–The GJEP Team

by M Suchitra, Oct 19, 2012.  Source: Down to Earth

Bolivia is one of the few countries that has consistently been opposing treating biodiversity as a commodity at the ongoing Conference of Parties to the Convention on Biodiversity at Hyderabad. It has raised its voice against pro-market approaches in implementing the Strategic Plan and Aichi Targets of CBD. Even during the high-level ministerial segment of CoP 11, Bolivia did not leave any room for guessing while expressing its views. Diego Pacheco, head of the Bolivian delegation, explained his country’s stand to M Suchitra. Some excerpts:

Diego Pacheco

Diego Pacheco (photo by M Suchitra)


On many occasions, Bolivia has expressed its apprehensions about the implementation of CBD objectives. How do you view the processes of CBD?

We are totally against mainstreaming biodiversity and ecosystems with a profit-oriented, pro-market approach. Natural resources are the treasures of the poor. We are against taking biological resources out of the hands of local communities and indigenous people and making natural resources mere commodities. We believe it is not right to move biodiversity conservation and its sustainable use into plain economic terms to achieve the objectives of the CBD.

Are you saying that CBD has lost its track?

Yes. Why should we conceal the truth? When CBD was concluded for the first time in 1992, before the Earth Summit in Rio, it was considered as something very positive for developing countries. But somewhere along the line CBD has lost its track and now its approaches for implementation of its objectives favour market forces. Through the present mode of mainstreaming biodiversity, CBD gives leverage and power to the private sector and the market forces for utilising the natural resources only for their profits. Everything connected with nature is being commodified, putting at risk the livelihoods of indigenous and local people, and of the common goods. Continue reading

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Mining Conflicts and The Politics of Post-Nationalization Bolivia

by Dylan Harris, 05 October 2012.  Source UpsideDown World

Miners’ road blockades outside La Paz, Bolivia

La Paz - Protests between rival mining groups have been growing in power and intensity over the past three weeks. However, the demonstrations began as early as two months ago. Walking through different parts of La Paz, one could see large groups of miners – obvious because of their mining helmets and clothing – holding signs and holding small congresses with people passing by and policemen. Tuesday, September 18, 2012, the protest between the two rival camps erupted into violence, resulting in the death of one miner and the injury of at least seven more. As the conflict continues to swell, blockades have gone up across Bolivia, virtually crippling transport in and out of La Paz.

The conflict is between private miner cooperatives that are common across Bolivia and the unionized miners that work for the state. In line with the trend of nationalization in Bolivia, President Evo Morales recently ousted a Swiss multi-national corporation from the valuable Colquiri mine located near La Paz. The most lucrative part of the mine is said to have nearly 5 billion mineral deposits. Morales divided control for the mine between the two camps, which are now at the heart of the conflict. The cooperatives want one hundred percent exploration rights of the mine, which puts the Morales government – the heroes of the nationalization movement in Bolivia – in a difficult position.

Al Jazeera reporter, Gabriel Elizando, rightfully points out in his report of the situation that this conflict is “historic and symbolic for what Bolivia as a country is going through right now… working itself through a post-nationalization period. The questioning this country is no longer, ‘Can Bolivia take back natural resources into their own hands?’ They have proven that they can and they will. The question now is how to divide up those resources afterwards to avoid the deadly conflicts we have seen this week”

However, as evidenced by the growing numbers of other Bolivian social movements setting up blockades alongside the miners, this conflict may represent something more complex than who owns this particular mine. While walking through the blockade between the capital city of the North Yungas, Coroico, and La Paz, it was obvious that this conflict was much larger than the rights to the Colquiri mine. Thousands of protesters gathered along the sides of the road in makeshift tent cities, piling more rocks into the blockaded road. Miners positioned themselves on the rocks, making sure that no cars passed. While the blockade seemed relatively calm, the sporadic dynamite explosions were constant reminders of the miner’s demands.

When asked about the blockade, several miners mentioned that the conflict was very complex, and remained relatively tight-lipped about the exact details. When asked about the purpose of the blockade, one independent miner smiled and said that it was “very, very complicated… a long story.”

Dirk Hoffmann, director of the Instituto Boliviano de la Montaña, explained: “Historically, Bolivia is a mining country, and the ‘Código Minero’ (mining law) stands virtually above other legislation. There is some hope that once the Ley de la Madre Tierra (Law of the Mother Earth) is going to be signed by President Morales, environmental issues might be of higher relevance. But then, mining is still a main pillar of the country’s economy, so that might be an illusion.”

Elizabeth Peredo, director of the Bolivian human rights and research organization, Fundación Solón, responded similarly: “This issue is part of the reality that our country has become a supplier of raw materials: minerals and unprocessed food for the world… I do not think that governments have the ability to set more sustainable policies to care for Mother Earth, despite the rhetoric that adorns the constitutions and legal frameworks.”

The strength of Bolivian civil society defines Bolivia. Civil disobedience, protests, and social movements are more or less a cornerstone of contemporary Bolivian culture. Living here, it is not uncommon to have to walk an hour or so because of some strike or protest taking place in La Paz, but this current conflict has swept across the entire country. It is not too surprising, as mining is Bolivia’s second largest industry, but the rapidity and inclusion of other social movements is intriguing.

There have been rumors of counter-protests staged by the unionized workers, demanding some kind of resolution from the Morales government. The conflict will only grow more intense. The miners are only one sect of Bolivia’s capable civil society that want a say in the current political stasis of Bolivia. The protests and blockades will likely continue until there is resolution, which depends largely upon which way the Morales government swings on this decision.

To echo Elizando, this current conflict is historic and symbolic, but it is not only about nationalization. It is more complex. Peredo believes these protests represent a confluence of “dynamic corporate and social sector organizations struggling for specific interests but are devoid of a national vision,” and that, “This unfortunately has been fostered by a way of exercising power and policy management from the central government, which has shown a minimal consistency in its principles and values ​​that arose early in the last decade thanks to popular struggles.”

Depending on the response from the Morales government, it could be about what is the next political step for an increasingly ambivalent Bolivian civil society, the same one that put him in office nearly a decade ago.

Dylan Harris is a writer and political ecologist from the United States, living and doing research in Bolivia.

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Behind Bolivia’s nationalization of Canadian mine

by Paul Kellogg, GrupoAroyo.com

For the Financial Post, the actions of the Bolivian government in nationalizing a Canadian mine this summer, confirmed the country’s status as an “outlaw nation” (Grace, 2012). But for less biased observers, the reality was a little different. Responding to pressure from local indigenous communities the Bolivian government confirmed, August 2, that it would expropriate the operations of a Canadian-owned mining project. This represents in the short term, the success of local social movements in putting an end to violence created by the tactics of the corporation, and in the long term, one small step towards ending 500 years of foreign powers stripping the country of its natural resources.

South American Silver, headquartered in Vancouver, described the mining project in question – located in Mallku Khota – as “one of the world’s largest undeveloped silver, indium and gallium deposits” (Garces, 2012b). There are 46 indigenous communities in the area, and, these indigenous communities have “rights over their land which are guaranteed in the New Political Constitution of the State of Bolivia” (Garces, 2012b). South American Silver had succeeded in gaining acceptance of their project from 43 of these 46 communities.

But with three communities yet to sign on, there were a series of violent outbreaks. May 5, at 4 in the morning, 50 police officers broke into homes in Malku Khota. In response, “community leaders made the decision to detain two of the police officers”, later released on May 9 (Garces, 2012a). The police violence crystallized opposition to the mining project, and 19 different local ayllus “united to outline the project, inform their bases” and prepare for an upcoming meeting with the governor of the department (or province) of Potosí. (An ayllu is a form of local organization, traditional to the Quechua and Aymara people of the Andes). But tensions exploded again May 18 in a confrontation between those for and against the project, resulting in three wounded. Three days later, a leader of the anti-mining group, Tata Cancio Rojas, was arrested and charged with attempted murder.

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U.S. refusal to extradite Bolivia’s ex-president to face genocide charges

by Glenn Greenwald 10 September 2012.  Source: guardian.co.uk

Obama justice officials have all but granted asylum to Sánchez de Lozada – a puppet who payrolled key Democratic advisers

 

In October 2003, the intensely pro-US president of Bolivia, Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, sent his security forces to suppress growing popular protests against the government’s energy and globalization policies. Using high-powered rifles and machine guns, his military forces killed 67 men, women and children, and injured 400 more, almost all of whom were poor and from the nation’s indigenous Aymara communities. Dozens of protesters had been killed by government forces in the prior months when troops were sent to suppress them.

 

The resulting outrage over what became known as “the Gas Wars” drove Sanchez de Lozada from office and then into exile in the United States, where he was welcomed by his close allies in the Bush administration. He has lived under a shield of asylum in the US ever since.

 

The Bolivians, however, have never stopped attempting to bring their former leader to justice for what they insist are his genocide and crimes against humanity: namely, ordering the killing of indigenous peaceful protesters in cold blood (as Time Magazine put it: “according to witnesses, the military fired indiscriminately and without warning in El Alto neighborhoods”). In 2007, Bolivian prosecutors formally charged him with genocide for the October 2003 incident, charges which were approved by the nation’s supreme court.

 

Bolivia then demanded his extradition from the US for him to stand trial. That demand, ironically, was made pursuant to an extradition treaty signed by Sánchez de Lozada himself with the US. Civil lawsuits have also been filed against him in the US on behalf of the surviving victims.

 

To read the entire article, go to : The Guardian

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Indigenous peoples, campesinos, resist mining in Peru and Bolivia

Peru: Newmont Mining to abandon Conga project?

August 23, 2012.  Source:  World War 4 Report

In an interview with Dow Jones last week, Richard O’Brien, CEO of Colorado-based Newmont Mining Corp. acknowledged that the conditions do not exist to move ahead with the $5 billion Conga gold and copper project in Cajamarca, Peru. O’Brien said there must be a “consistent environment that we would need for the successful conduct of both mining and all those things that go with mining, whether that is transporting people or equipment. Right now we don’t see that environment in Conga. It will take a significant change to make that happen.” (Fox Business News, Aug. 17) This week, a new 48-hour paro (civil strike) has been declared to oppose the Conga project in Cajamarca region, much of which remains under a state of emergency. To kick off the strike Aug. 22, hundreds of campesinos marched in the province of Bambamarca, in defiance of a ban on public protests. The marchers were mostly ronderos (members of the self-defense patrol) the outlying village of El Tambo, which is within the impact zone of the proposed mine. The campesinos held a gathering at Laguna Namococha, one of the highland lakes that would be degraded by the project. (La Republica, Aug. 22)

Bolivia: Aymara communities occupy Oruro mine

August 23, 2012.  Source: World War 4 Report

The comunarios (communal peasants) of Marka La Joya, on the morning of Aug. 21 initiated an occupation of the installations of the Inti Raymi Mining Company at La Titina, outside the Altiplano city of Oruro, in protest of the pollution of local water sources with cyanide and other toxins. Traditional Aymara authorities of the ayllus (agricultural communities) of Jach’a Carangas, Jakisa, Sura and Uru, which together constitute  Marka La Joya, charged that the government of President Evo Morales and the Plurinational Legislative Assembly are making laws that favor the mineral industry, without the involvement of indigenous communities impacted by mining projects. “We view with profound concern…that the government, through the corresponding ministries, has drawn up—without consultation—the projects of the Mining Laws, the Rights of Mother Earth, Water, Prior Consultation…without the participation of social sectors, and especially of the indigenous nations and original peoples,” the statement read. (OCMALOIDEC, Aug. 21; La Opinón, Cochabamba, Aug. 20)

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Bolivia’s new Mother Earth Law to sideline indigenous rights

By Carwil Bjork James, August 24, 2012.  Source: Carwil Without Borders

Bolivia, the country that became synonymous with indigenous and environmental rights on the global diplomatic stage, is about to approve a Mother Earth Law that lacks the blessing of the country’s leading indigenous organizations and undermines indigenous communities’ rights to prior consultation. Thursday (August 23), the National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Qollasuyu (CONAMAQ) publicly walked out of the Chamber of Deputies’ drafting session on the “Framework Law on Mother Earth and Integral Development for Living Well” (Ley Marco de la Madre Tierra y Desarrollo Integral para Vivir Bien).  CONAMAQ Spokesman David Crispin explained the walk out: “We in CONAMAQ have decided to withdraw from the drafting because we do not want to be complicit, alongside the Plurinational Assembly, in building a Law of Integral Development that will damage the Pachamama/Mother Earth.”  The government had already broken off contact with the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia (CIDOB) and the government-backed alternate leadership of the organization does not appear to be involved in the drafting process.

Readers of the English-language press may be thoroughly confused at this point.Doesn’t Bolivia already have a Mother Earth law, the strongest in the world? Many in the international environmental community know that Bolivia that introduced the concept of the Rights of Mother Earth to the world, hosted a global conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth [past coverage: 1|2|3] in April 2010, and passed the Law on the Rights of Mother Earth [Wikipedia] in December 2010.

What is less widely known is that the law that was passed was only a rough statement of principles—a declaratory “short law”—with no legal force behind it. Even the short law featured just 10 of the 12 principles worked out by the grassroots organizations in Bolivia’s Pact of Unity: right of indigenous people’s to freely consent to or reject megaprojects on their lands was cut at the last minute. In April 2011, Senator Julio Salazar (MAS) who is in charge of the law’s progress, declared, “Our indigenous brothers cannot block taking advantage of natural resources.”
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